PDF gratuit Mushroom at the End of the World : On the Possibility of Life in Capitalist Ruins, by Anna Lowenhaupt Tsing
La lecture, que pensez-vous de cette parole? Est-ce mot que vous grever? Avec plusieurs tâches, tâches, ainsi que des activités, vous êtes obligé beaucoup à faire cette activité? Eh bien, même beaucoup de gens prennent en considération le fait que la lecture est le type d'activité sans intérêt, cela ne signifie pas que vous devez ignorer. Parfois, vous aurez certainement besoin de temps pour passer en revue pour le livre. Il est également juste un livre; il peut être vraiment digne ainsi que précieuse chose à avoir.
Mushroom at the End of the World : On the Possibility of Life in Capitalist Ruins, by Anna Lowenhaupt Tsing
PDF gratuit Mushroom at the End of the World : On the Possibility of Life in Capitalist Ruins, by Anna Lowenhaupt Tsing
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Détails sur le produit
Broché: 352 pages
Editeur : Princeton University Press; Édition : Reprint (19 septembre 2017)
Langue : Anglais
ISBN-10: 0691178321
ISBN-13: 978-0691178325
Dimensions du produit:
15,2 x 1,9 x 22,9 cm
Moyenne des commentaires client :
3.3 étoiles sur 5
3 commentaires client
Classement des meilleures ventes d'Amazon:
44.579 en Livres (Voir les 100 premiers en Livres)
Ce livre reconnait, calmement et d'emblée, que le capitalisme provoquent des dégâts épouvantables. Mais, au lieu de gémir, il allume une lueur d'espoir: il est néanmoins possible d'y vivre. Le champignon matsutake, qui pousse dans des écosystèmes dévastés, en est la métaphore. Cela nous invite à imaginer nos propres moyens de vivre dans le présent.
Even for Fungi fanatics, like I am, it is impressive to realise how a simple mushroom can provoke such a complexity of relationships, history international impact...the creation of a capitalistic system. Brilliant, well written as well, though some lengths could have been skipped by the editor to reinforce the pace of the storyline which could be just a fascinating thriller. Bravo
si l'auteur s'en tenait à ses observations d'anthropologue ça irait, mais cette bouillie de concepts compris de travers et plaqués sur des observations sinon pertinentes est illisible. En plus, surfe sur la vague des "fins du monde" et fait des pseudos théories sur le capitalisme en enfonçant des portes ouvertes pour tenter d'élargir son auditoire.
This interdisciplinary work about mushrooms is a stimulating antidote to a lot of conventional wisdom about economics. Matsutake grows opportunistically on the roots of pine trees -- it can't be cultivated, nor, despite demand, can production scaled up in a conventional way. To get more matsutake you need to create conditions for more pine trees -- but you also need to forage, and understand a lot else about the forest environment. Those who gather matsutake aren't alienated from their work: the book's ethnographic chapters expose the multitude of meanings the process can have for those who gather the mushrooms. Nor do the usual "laws" of supply and demand apply: in some communities there is pressure for the prices to be paid to gatherers to go upwards.I plan to use this book in a college course about sustainability for business majors: I'm looking forward to their grappling with these ideas so contrary to Econ 101. Unlike other reviewers I don't see any evidence that the author (ALT) misunderstands basic economics -- but their view shows how confusing it may be for some readers to have their orthodoxy challenged. That's exactly why I think it's a useful book. In addition, the book has many interesting passages in its own right. For example, before reading this book I didn't know that mushrooms like matsutake are beneficial to the trees on whose roots they grow -- I thought they were "just" parasites. The importance of matsutake to various Southeast Asian immigrant groups in the Pacific Northwest was also something I'd had no inkling of previously.The main weak point of the book is that it speaks in an overly general way about Japan. The assertion that matsutake serve as gifts in Japanese society is repeated often in the text (e.g., @8, 62, 124-126). The suggestion also seems to be that the matsutake have meaning to those who pick them (as illustrated in the book's ethnographic chapters, set mostly outside Japan); then are turned into commodities farther down in the chain of commerce by participants who are indifferent to the circumstances of the mushrooms' harvesting; and then, when presented as gifts by someone who simply bought them, are meant to take on a more personal meaning again.There are two problematic aspects of these claims: are matsutake really given as gifts? and if so, are they the same matsutake as described in the ethnographic chapters? It turns out the answers to these questions are: rarely, and no.It's not at all a common practice in Japan for matsutake to be presented as a gift by someone who bought it as a commodity. I currently live in Iwate Prefecture, a northeastern rural area that is the #2 domestic producer of matsutake; before that I lived for a number of years in a Tokyo neighborhood well-known for preserving old traditions (Kagurazaka, in Shinjuku-ku). In neither place did I ever observe matsutake being used as a gift, unless the giver had picked it himself or herself on the same day (not possible in Tokyo!). My wife, who was born in Iwate but who lived in many areas all over Japan while growing up, had also never heard of matsutake as gifts, and she pointed out that the harvest time of matsutake doesn't coincide with any gift-giving holiday. In Iwate, which produces the highest-quality matsutake, they are either consumed locally or sent to the top restaurants and inns in Tokyo and Kyoto. My family only buys them to eat them.I contacted ALT about this point, and she very graciously and forthrightly explained that she was most familiar with Kyoto, and that very possibly what she described applies mainly there. Among Japan's 47 prefectures, Kyoto is in 9th rank as a producer of matsutake -- but its output is only around 1% of Iwate's. So it's hardly representative. (BTW the book refers to Kyoto as "central" Japan, which is how it might appear to an outsider who looks at a map, but the Japanese name for the region, Kansai, clearly labels it as "west.") She also mentioned that some expat Japanese families send American matsutake back to relatives in the Kyushu region, though this doesn't relate to Japanese production. Nor is it necessarily anything special: we send Iwate cabbages, cucumbers, and negi (Japanese leeks) as well as matsutake to friends and family in Tokyo, simply because they're cheaper and fresher where we live.Even in Kyoto and possibly other locales, do gift-givers make presents of matsutake harvested in North American, Finnish and Chinese forests and exported to Japan? From the sequence of chapters and particularly the discussion of intermediate wholesalers in the chapter entitled "From Gifts to Commodities -- and Back" (Ch. 9), you might get the impression that they do, even though ALT doesn't say this explicitly. But that's not at all the case: by the time foreign matsutake arrive in Japan they're too dry to be suitable as gifts. Yet well over 95% of Japanese matsutake consumption is imports, which thanks to their dryness are also much cheaper than domestically-harvested ones. Unfortunately, the book omits to mention the main destination of those fungi: the processed foods industry. They're sometimes sold sliced in cans or other packaging, and freeze-dried matsutake rice mixes are a popular item, as are bowls of matsutake-flavored instant ramen. Again, ALT was gracious in acknowledging this point, and mentioned that a related discussion seems to have been cut from her manuscript during the editing process.One other somewhat nebulous suggestion in the text is that matsutake grow mainly in forests disturbed by aggressive logging or other human exploitation. That may be true in North America and in some parts of Kyoto, but not at all in Iwate, Nagano or other high-production areas. In those regions, matsutake are harvested from what ALT calls "peasant forests," namely mountain forests that have been subject to a certain amount of maintenance by humans, such as having their undergrowth and debris periodically thinned, an activity known in Japan as satoyama. Although they are mentioned in the book, these forests are much less salient in the narrative than are the "capitalist ruins" of the book's subtitle.While I very much appreciated ALT's kind and forthcoming responses to my questions, the book's lack of accuracy or clarity on these points does somewhat blunt its most pointed and ironic commentary on capitalism, to the extent that commentary is meant to apply to Japan. But there is still plenty of value in the book. ALT's ironies are still justified by the ethnographic chapters, and the chapters that talk more about mushroom biology also get one to think critically about industrialized agriculture, with its emphasis on monoculture. All in all, a very imaginative approach to real-life economics, and one that pulls the rug, or forest floor, out from under some usual textbook concepts.
A beautifully written, smart, absorbing book that is also profoundly moving
The strange entanglements of matsutake, war, and humanity unfold in this analysis of the history, present, and future of mushroom foraging. The mediations on capitalism, freedom, and salvage challenge thinking about conservation and economic development. A wonderful read
Tsing attempts to create a philosophical platform to rationalize current environmental issues all from the perspective of matsutake hunting. An interesting approach that falls short in all aspects and fails to leave a lasting impact due to overly complicated philosophical metaphors and difficult to understand writing.
This book is really thought provoking. Anna is careful and generous, and she touches on subjects in a way that is wholly descriptive (vs prescriptive condemnation or celebration of any particular practice). I learned a lot and would recommend it to absolutely anyone.
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